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Faith & critical thinking By Hossam Badrawi

Let us explore the meaning of faith within the philosophical framework of consensus as understood by clerics and priests throughout history. This consensus often suppresses critical thinking and interpretation, which thrive on pluralism of meanings and respect for differences—values that consensus inherently rejects.

 

This reflection naturally leads us to Averroes (Ibn Rushd). The Egyptian philosopher Dr. Mourad Wahba writes:

“Faith means that the heart is committed to believing in a message it accepts. Over time, the term ‘belief’ evolved into ‘dogma,’ signifying a fixed doctrine. Consequently, dogma supplanted belief and became the product of an external authority claiming it to be the essence of religion and faith. The believer is then required to accept it, either by justifying it intellectually or by submitting to it unquestioningly. In both cases, the doctrine becomes obligatory. Those who crafted it are labeled theologians, blending faith with reason—but only insofar as reason aligns with a predetermined faith, not reason in its absolute sense.

This means that reason and thought are confined to a framework dictated by authority, beyond which no thinking is permitted.”

 

I offer an additional interpretation:

Faith is the act of believing in something without evidence and acting accordingly. Thus, the faith of humanity a thousand years ago differs from my faith today. As science advances, much of what was once accepted without evidence has been proven or disproven. Consequently, the domain of faith has shifted—from the heart to the mind. The more knowledge the mind acquires, the less room there is for traditional faith.

In other words, reason—reason alone—is the path to God, not blind belief in what lacks evidence, as it was in the past.

 

A friend of mine, who frequently debates with me, once said:

“For me, faith of the heart, faith of the mind, and evidence are complementary, forming a single alloy. Its polished surface reflects the elegant harmony of the universe and the unity of its Creator. Extremism, however, shatters this alloy, scattering its fragments to produce hatred, cruelty, resentment, and crimes that have claimed millions of lives throughout history. There is no difference between extremism in religion, political ideology, or racial and social discrimination.”

 

In response, I recalled a story about Ibn Rushd (born April 14, 1126, in Cordoba – died December 10, 1198, in Marrakesh). When his student wept as they watched Arabs burn his books, Ibn Rushd turned to him and said:

“If you cry for the state of Muslims, know that all the oceans of the world would not suffice for your tears. But if you cry for the burned books, know that ideas have wings—they will fly back to their owners.”

This profound statement reflects the dire state of the Muslim world in the 12th century, a condition that warranted mourning.

 

The tragedy of history is that Ibn Rushd’s words remain eerily relevant today, despite his having died centuries ago. Yet, some in our contemporary reality attribute our dire conditions solely to external enemies, conspiracies, or criminals. Ibn Rushd, however, pointed to an internal malaise long before colonialism or external conspiracies emerged.

 

If humanity across time shares tendencies toward extremism in thought, violence in enforcing beliefs, the assassination of just leaders, and persistent economic and political decline, then there must be a unifying factor. I may be mistaken, but at this moment, Islam comes strongly to mind. Christianity also comes to mind, particularly during the era before the separation of church and state, with its tragic repression of science and scientists during Europe’s Dark Ages.

 

Because I strive to see the best in people and seek truth in what I read, I view Islam as embodying reason, tolerance, love, science, compassion, forgiveness, and mercy. Yet, I recognize that my perspective belongs to a minority. Historically and collectively, Islamic societies often act contrary to these values. Instead, they frequently exhibit traits of severity, violence, authoritarianism, and the exploitation of religion for power and its perpetuation.

 

As for me, I choose different values: love, reliance on reason and science, tolerance, an appreciation of life’s beauty, and respect for humanity.

 

However, I must admit that when I observe Islamic nations persisting in behaviours contrary to these ideals—leading to escalating poverty, ignorance, and violence—I sometimes question my own interpretations and convictions. This, in turn, strengthens my belief in the necessity of separating religion from the state and politics.

 

History has repeatedly shown that extremists—whether in Judaism, Christianity, Islam, or any other ideology—share striking similarities in the core. The societies that have thrived are those that separated religion (as a personal relationship with the Creator) from politics, governance, and worldly affairs & Those who look to the core of values of religions not to the marginal differences of practising habits .

About Dr. Hossam Badrawi

Dr. Hossam Badrawi
He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people