Hossam Badrawi Official Website
Daring to think series
Stability of the country’s governance
“Reality, vision and proposal”
Written by
Hossam Badrawi
During the last months, and on the occasion of
Conducting the presidential elections, I conducted a live experiment in the Egyptian political street with all its spectrums, using actual communication, presenting alternatives, and listening carefully to all opinions, in order to explore the reality and the new, and chart the path to the future. After the experience of the past months, I have come up with some results that I summarize for the reader and decision-making institutions, because they may give us a vision of the next political steps. Which may protect the country and maintain stability, taking into account that we have only six years to build an institutional form that can nominate a president for Egypt in 2030, preceded by the selection of local councils and members of the next parliament in a manner that respects the constitution, which emphasizes the separation of powers and the balance between them.
My words mean that we have huge political work ahead of us to build the base from which we can choose, mistakes to learn from, and successes that will occur on which we can build.
Because we know in our souls and from our history that governance in Egypt is presidential, even if we say otherwise, and that development in the country requires strong governance that respects the transfer of power, what I am presenting for dialogue is extremely important.
My analysis is that at the present time there are eight forces that influence political action in Egypt (not in order of strength of influence):
1- The first force is the culture of most of the partisan political community in seeking to get close to and shade the executive authority in order to obtain gains, a role, a status, or to appear in the media. Indeed, this in itself becomes a victory for them. I have clearly noticed that the desire of this political community revolves around the fear of being considered hostile to the security services and the sincere desire at the same time to serve its local community through the existing executive authority.
This majority needs to be reassured that it is seen as being with the state movement and its agencies (as they call them).
2- The second force is the power of money and financing. I have noticed that the influence of this is great, but it does not replace the first. This force’s influence depends on the poverty rate, which reaches more than 30%, and the illiteracy rate, which reaches 25% of society.
3- The third force is revolutionary ideology and sharp opposition in general to everything, which offers the demolition of any reality without positive alternatives. Few of the people I met are of this type, and their voice is loud and their screaming is intense, and their effect will only be to create a negative mental image at home and abroad, to suggest that Egypt is unstable and is using all means to magnify and generalize mistakes. I do not see their electoral value, but I do see their influence in creating and sustaining negative energy that exhausts society and increases the anger of groups of people who are suffering, especially the youth.
4- The fourth force is the leftist political movement that has a loud voice in the media, but throughout modern history it has not once obtained a parliamentary majority and tends to exploit all other forces when it has the opportunity, because they may be more accustomed to political organization. This movement may, at some point, be able to initiate sit-ins and strikes between employees and unions, but for the most part it is unable to have a positive impact.
5- The fifth force is the direct and indirect religious forces, which I fear, due to their apparent lack of popularity now, will penetrate among other forces to ride waves of anger when necessary and work continuously to widen the gap between ambitions and reality and focus on the mistakes of the government administration in dealing with society. But at this time, it is a strong force that cannot win elections unless it hides with some group or party, and we should not forget that the Brotherhood has allied itself with the Wafd Party, which is the historic liberal party, twice, once in 2017.
84 19 and again in 2012.
I see that this electoral bloc will continue to attract political opportunism from other forces that seek to obtain votes at any price and form, and the experience of the delegation twice before me will remain clear.
The sixth force is the elite group of statesmen who enjoy the respect of society and believe in social liberalism and the modern civil state. They have participated throughout their history in political action in all its forms, and refrain from actual participation for fear of being contaminated by what is going on in the world of partisan politics, which has interfered with the ruling authority in a way that does not allow for freedom. There was little movement or expression, which made most of those in the political scene accused of being either loyalists or opponents in appearance, collaborators, or traitors.
This is a force that enjoys support, respect, and popularity, but it is ineffective unless it finds a way to integrate thought and the accumulation of experience with political institutional work, especially with youth.
.
The seventh force is the National Security and Intelligence services. Despite their differences in political work considerations, they control the entrances to party and media work, and because I think well, their entrance stems from the belief and conviction that this control and intervention is what preserves stability for the country and prevents chaos.
The eighth force is the institution of the armed forces. Its presence is felt, and everyone knows that without agreement with it, political action will not be able to grow nor will civil society achieve a transfer of power. I believe that the Egyptian military establishment, respected throughout time, holds the reins of all political matters without direct interference and holds the reins of many economic matters with a direct presence.
Therefore, I believe that finding a new political path that allows political parties to communicate with the people and present respectable political models requires many mutual sacrifices between the political forces and building trust with the military establishment.
Choosing a number of parties with institutional capacity and allowing them freedom of movement, and encouraging the elite bloc I spoke of for their experience and ability would be like forming a non-governmental civilian board of trustees for effective positive political action.
In all cases, the armed forces should not play a political role, otherwise they will be affected by the negative effects that befall political action. We must protect their credibility and the positive vision of them from the majority of the people by staying away from political or economic action.
Stability of the country’s governance
“Reality, vision and proposal”
Written by
Hossam Badrawi
During the last months, and on the occasion of
Conducting the presidential elections, I conducted a live experiment in the Egyptian political street with all its spectrums, using actual communication, presenting alternatives, and listening carefully to all opinions, in order to explore the reality and the new, and chart the path to the future. After the experience of the past months, I have come up with some results that I summarize for the reader and decision-making institutions, because they may give us a vision of the next political steps. Which may protect the country and maintain stability, taking into account that we have only six years to build an institutional form that can nominate a president for Egypt in 2030, preceded by the selection of local councils and members of the next parliament in a manner that respects the constitution, which emphasizes the separation of powers and the balance between them.
My words mean that we have huge political work ahead of us to build the base from which we can choose, mistakes to learn from, and successes that will occur on which we can build.
Because we know in our souls and from our history that governance in Egypt is presidential, even if we say otherwise, and that development in the country requires strong governance that respects the transfer of power, what I am presenting for dialogue is extremely important.
My analysis is that at the present time there are eight forces that influence political action in Egypt (not in order of strength of influence):
1- The first force is the culture of most of the partisan political community in seeking to get close to and shade the executive authority in order to obtain gains, a role, a status, or to appear in the media. Indeed, this in itself becomes a victory for them. I have clearly noticed that the desire of this political community revolves around the fear of being considered hostile to the security services and the sincere desire at the same time to serve its local community through the existing executive authority.
This majority needs to be reassured that it is seen as being with the state movement and its agencies (as they call them).
2- The second force is the power of money and financing. I have noticed that the influence of this is great, but it does not replace the first. This force’s influence depends on the poverty rate, which reaches more than 30%, and the illiteracy rate, which reaches 25% of society.
3- The third force is revolutionary ideology and sharp opposition in general to everything, which offers the demolition of any reality without positive alternatives. Few of the people I met are of this type, and their voice is loud and their screaming is intense, and their effect will only be to create a negative mental image at home and abroad, to suggest that Egypt is unstable and is using all means to magnify and generalize mistakes. I do not see their electoral value, but I do see their influence in creating and sustaining negative energy that exhausts society and increases the anger of groups of people who are suffering, especially the youth.
4- The fourth force is the leftist political movement that has a loud voice in the media, but throughout modern history it has not once obtained a parliamentary majority and tends to exploit all other forces when it has the opportunity, because they may be more accustomed to political organization. This movement may, at some point, be able to initiate sit-ins and strikes between employees and unions, but for the most part it is unable to have a positive impact.
5- The fifth force is the direct and indirect religious forces, which I fear, due to their apparent lack of popularity now, will penetrate among other forces to ride waves of anger when necessary and work continuously to widen the gap between ambitions and reality and focus on the mistakes of the government administration in dealing with society. But at this time, it is a strong force that cannot win elections unless it hides with some group or party, and we should not forget that the Brotherhood has allied itself with the Wafd Party, which is the historic liberal party, twice, once in 2017.
84 19 and again in 2012.
I see that this electoral bloc will continue to attract political opportunism from other forces that seek to obtain votes at any price and form, and the experience of the delegation twice before me will remain clear.
The sixth force is the elite group of statesmen who enjoy the respect of society and believe in social liberalism and the modern civil state. They have participated throughout their history in political action in all its forms, and refrain from actual participation for fear of being contaminated by what is going on in the world of partisan politics, which has interfered with the ruling authority in a way that does not allow for freedom. There was little movement or expression, which made most of those in the political scene accused of being either loyalists or opponents in appearance, collaborators, or traitors.
This is a force that enjoys support, respect, and popularity, but it is ineffective unless it finds a way to integrate thought and the accumulation of experience with political institutional work, especially with youth.
.
The seventh force is the National Security and Intelligence services. Despite their differences in political work considerations, they control the entrances to party and media work, and because I think well, their entrance stems from the belief and conviction that this control and intervention is what preserves stability for the country and prevents chaos.
The eighth force is the institution of the armed forces. Its presence is felt, and everyone knows that without agreement with it, political action will not be able to grow nor will civil society achieve a transfer of power. I believe that the Egyptian military establishment, respected throughout time, holds the reins of all political matters without direct interference and holds the reins of many economic matters with a direct presence.
Therefore, I believe that finding a new political path that allows political parties to communicate with the people and present respectable political models requires many mutual sacrifices between the political forces and building trust with the military establishment.
Choosing a number of parties with institutional capacity and allowing them freedom of movement, and encouraging the elite bloc I spoke of for their experience and ability would be like forming a non-governmental civilian board of trustees for effective positive political action.
In all cases, the armed forces should not play a political role, otherwise they will be affected by the negative effects that befall political action. We must protect their credibility and the positive vision of them from the majority of the people by staying away from political or economic action.
The truth of the matter is that the president still has a historic opportunity to be able to activate political life, as he is the president in a third exceptional term in office, which will allow him the freedom to open the way for free partisan action… Parties need public communication, transparent financing of their activities, and the implementation of their programs. It is presented as an alternative to what the government is doing, and it may agree or differ with the current government, and they are all healthy matters as long as they are done transparently and within the framework of the law.
I am certain that opening the doors to freedom of expression in the media and party work at the street, local and parliamentary levels will revive political action, because in the absent conscience of all agencies and the subconscious of most officials, with a culture that has accumulated is disbelief in what the constitution imposes, and that one will remain in the prison of the repeated snapshot. In the modern history of Egypt, which the country has experienced many times in a row.
I watched former President Mubarak dozens of times denying the inheritance of power, but it became established in the minds of the agencies and the media that power would be inherited despite that, because the impression becomes reality and may not need proof by repeating some actions…
Therefore, I place the responsibility on all of our shoulders to support the president to actually work with serious parties and hold real local and parliamentary elections, which will allow for the emergence of leaders who can run for elections, liberate the executive authority agencies, and confirm that they are the guarantor of justice and the application of the law and not a competing political player who prevents and grants when he wants.
There is an obligatory, effective and important role for the upper chamber of Parliament, and we must ensure that it actually fulfills its role and not just in form.
I am afraid to imagine the state of the country if the president is not able to achieve this qualitative shift in political life, in the time available to him, under the pretext of the inflation and expansion of internal and external challenges (which will always be present), for fear of chaos that the country cannot bear at the present time, or that it will be delayed. By the effective action of those surrounding the authority because they do not have the necessary imagination to imagine a different future that would move Egypt to a more stable and stable state in an institutional manner that does not depend on a person but on a system and law and with the protection of its armed forces so as not to deviate from legitimacy.
I dare to suggest appointing a civilian vice president for the president of the republic, whose primary political mission will be, and appointing a second vice president for financial and economic affairs, who will have the powers to follow up on the implementation of the policies announced for a decisive stage in the country’s future. I would even go further and say that such a step might breathe life into society and open a window of hope. In the minds and souls of citizens.
I am certain that opening the doors to freedom of expression in the media and party work at the street, local and parliamentary levels will revive political action, because in the absent conscience of all agencies and the subconscious of most officials, with a culture that has accumulated is disbelief in what the constitution imposes, and that one will remain in the prison of the repeated snapshot. In the modern history of Egypt, which the country has experienced many times in a row.
I watched former President Mubarak dozens of times denying the inheritance of power, but it became established in the minds of the agencies and the media that power would be inherited despite that, because the impression becomes reality and may not need proof by repeating some actions…
Therefore, I place the responsibility on all of our shoulders to support the president to actually work with serious parties and hold real local and parliamentary elections, which will allow for the emergence of leaders who can run for elections, liberate the executive authority agencies, and confirm that they are the guarantor of justice and the application of the law and not a competing political player who prevents and grants when he wants.
There is an obligatory, effective and important role for the upper chamber of Parliament, and we must ensure that it actually fulfills its role and not just in form.
I am afraid to imagine the state of the country if the president is not able to achieve this qualitative shift in political life, in the time available to him, under the pretext of the inflation and expansion of internal and external challenges (which will always be present), for fear of chaos that the country cannot bear at the present time, or that it will be delayed. By the effective action of those surrounding the authority because they do not have the necessary imagination to imagine a different future that would move Egypt to a more stable and stable state in an institutional manner that does not depend on a person but on a system and law and with the protection of its armed forces so as not to deviate from legitimacy.
I dare to suggest appointing a civilian vice president for the president of the republic, whose primary political mission will be, and appointing a second vice president for financial and economic affairs, who will have the powers to follow up on the implementation of the policies announced for a decisive stage in the country’s future. I would even go further and say that such a step might breathe life into society and open a window of hope. In the minds and souls of citizens.
