The Middle Class and Political Activism by Hossam Badrawi

“The Middle Class and Political Activism”
By Hossam Badrawi

The Egyptian society sometimes simplifies the statement “We no longer have a middle class,” indicating an increase in financial poverty rates without defining the identity or importance of this class.

The definition of the middle class can vary based on various economic, social, and cultural factors, but this division should not solely rely on financial capability. In Egypt, we have witnessed impoverished classes that have acquired wealth and social status, sometimes through legitimate means and sometimes through illegitimate means, without changing their habits or culture. Have they truly moved from the lower class to the upper class, or is it merely a superficial transition? The truth is that future generations of these individuals may form a new class due to their better education, which becomes accessible due to their wealth. However, this may lack a change in values and ethics that distinguish the middle class, which requires two generations to bring about change.

Historically, the middle class in Egyptian society was characterized by a certain level of income that provided them with financial stability, a comfortable lifestyle, access to quality education, healthcare, and some spending capacity.

This class had the ability to meet basic needs, save for the future, and face economic challenges without falling into the clutches of poverty.

They also represented a group of people capable of being employed and engaged in regular and skilled professions that provided stability in life and opportunities for advancement.

This class included teachers, employees, university professors, police officers, military personnel, judges, lawyers, merchants, and even farmers who owned land, among others who society relied upon for movement and growth.

The middle class may be defined in some definitions by its ability to own housing or access residential stability, which contributes to their long-term social and financial security.

Consumption patterns, lifestyle choices, and the presence of the means to afford goods and services, such as recreational activities, travel, and cultural pursuits, also define the boundaries of this class.

It is important to note that the definition of the middle class can vary from one country to another and from one region to another, taking into account differences in the cost of living and the ability to provide citizens with rights such as education and healthcare, regardless of their financial and economic capabilities. The expansion of this class may come from the government’s ability to provide these rights.

In other cases, sociologists, economists, and policymakers use different criteria to define the middle class. This class plays an important role in political choices due to its size, economic influence, and social stability. The middle class ranges from 50% to 70% of the population and can be divided into segments based on their capabilities and definitions. Within a fair governance system, this population group is essential and vital, often influencing election outcomes and policy priorities as their concerns revolve around taxes, healthcare, education, job security, and rising prices, shaping political trends and the results of general elections or protests.

This class has the ability to make decisions for their lives, and this may be one of the definitions of their existence. The poor class can buy their decisions with money and providing food during election times, but they can also be threatened at the same time. However, the middle class has the freedom to choose, and therefore middle-class voters can determine election results and shape public policies, making them the focus of political campaigns and a source of fear for ruling regimes during crises.

Furthermore, the middle class supports overall economic growth and can influence social movements, contributing to societal stability and fulfilling their aspirations for upward social mobility and financial security to protect their families.

In general, the middle class is considered a fundamental pillar of democratic societies, as it has the ability to shape political decisions and government agendas. However, in many developing countries, this class faces unique challenges that limit their impact on choices, including economic weakness, limited job opportunities, and income inequality. As a result, their focus primarily revolves around financial survival and upward social mobility rather than political activism.
Similarly, many individuals in middle-class populations in developing countries may suffer from limited access to unbiased information and civic education, hindering their ability to effectively participate in development. This class may also face political challenges from governments in developing countries that prioritize control and obedience over dialogue and pluralism, which require broad horizons and the ability to embrace differences. Consequently, these governments may suppress political dissent and hinder the middle class’s ability to express their opinions and influence vital decisions, leading to the spread of fear, indifference, and election boycotts. In some developing countries, the middle class may feel unrepresented in the political system, resulting in frustration and detachment from the political process.

One of the major challenges facing the middle class is structural obstacles within society, such as corruption, lack of transparency, and inequality in accessing resources. These factors impact the middle class’s ability to influence social and political choices.

The middle class may also fall into the trap of religious ignorance, which fills the social and political void by perpetuating human rights violations and injustice. We have witnessed the penetration of groups and organizations into the conscience of this class by offering services that the government fails to provide, particularly in healthcare, education, and social solidarity.

As for the upper class in societies, as Ibn Rushd stated, their situation is different. They are always closely linked to governing systems, supporting them to protect themselves and sustain their wealth. They often secure themselves outside the country, fearing any potential overthrow of power. However, this integration varies to some extent with governing systems, allowing the ruling power to remain and inject funds in exchange for increasing wealth through corruption, unfair privileges, and unjust opportunities for investment.

All of this is governed by a delicate balance between the beneficiaries from both sides, enabling the ruling regime to survive and ensuring that the upper class benefits for as long as possible. If this balance is disrupted, the state collapses, and a new system emerges, often leading to a similar situation with new players.

Taking a comprehensive look, we find that narrow-minded governing systems tend to increase poverty and shrink the middle class, even without prior planning, as this ensures their survival. The foolishness lies in the fact that this diminishes the opportunity for growth and development, which relies on the growth and development of the middle class, the foundation of small-scale economies and the medium-sized business sector. This sector produces generations of educated individuals capable of innovation and creativity. By providing them with economic and housing security, as well as care and education, they can elevate the cultural, scientific, and social status of the middle class. However, they also become capable of making choices that are difficult to control.

The issue is that as education becomes more widespread and comprehensive, the aspirations of the middle class rise, and their discontent grows if governments fail to fulfill their ever-renewing dreams.
This is the concept and philosophy of social liberalism as a system and governing policy, which can only be sustained through the rotation of power every specified number of years. This ensures that no governing system can maintain its rule by increasing poverty, shrinking the middle class, and creating a class that benefits from maintaining the status quo.

The critical mass of educated individuals, intellectuals, and thinkers is the one capable of taking the country to another realm of hope.

In a previous article, I discussed the societal and political forces that influence the stability of Egypt’s governance and identified them as nine forces. The middle class plays a transitional role among all these forces. As I mentioned before, it is the qualified class for making choices. The impoverished class, representing over 30% of society, lacks the ability to make choices due to pressing needs and fear of the ruling power that holds the power to give and deny. The wealthy class, although its proportion is small, usually manages to obtain what it wants or escape local pressures when necessary, as we mentioned earlier. There is also a class that benefits from maintaining the status quo because it increases their wealth and power.

The first force is the class that seeks to get closer to and be shaded by the executive power, either out of fear, flattery, or sometimes genuine desire to serve their local community through the existing executive authority.

The second force is the power of money and finance. The influence of this force depends on the fact that the poverty rate exceeds 30% and illiteracy rate reaches 25% of society.

The third force is a revolutionary and generally opposing group.

The fourth force is the intellectual leftist political current that possesses ideologies but does not actively work based on them. The fifth force is the direct and indirect religious powers, which I fear, due to their unpopularity, may infiltrate other forces to ride the waves of anger when necessary. The sixth force is the “Couch Party,” as the intelligence of the Egyptian people called it, and the majority of its members come from the middle class, which contains the genes of Egyptian civilization and nationalistic sentiments. This gathering is the strongest, and experience shows that even the police and armed forces cannot join it in decisive moments. This force is what the state has sought to confront religious ruling powers.

The seventh force is the gathering of elite individuals in the state who are respected by society, the Couch Party, and believers in social liberalism and the modern civil state. They have participated throughout their history in political work in all its forms but currently distance themselves from active participation due to fear of being contaminated by what is happening in the world of party politics. The eighth and ninth forces are the national security apparatus, intelligence agencies, and the armed forces. I won’t go into detail about this, as everyone knows that without reaching a consensus with them, political work cannot grow, and civil society cannot achieve power rotation.

The middle class is the foundation of society and is the class that transcends all these forces.