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Where are we from the history of the future

Where are we from the history of the future
The political, social and technical situation in the last decade of the twentieth century and the first two decades of the twenty-first century seems like a crushing victory for the Western trend towards liberalism, market capitalism and human rights in a battle that continued for nearly four decades after World War II against fascist and communist ideology… But after the fantasy of an end With this victory, it appeared that Western liberalism had turned, without the presence of the opposition, into a ferocious monster that drew a new colonial map, and was internally suffering from intersecting crises and transformations and a loss of credibility.
It seems to me that the “information technology” and “biotechnology” revolutions are now the greatest challenges of the human race since its existence, and the greatest opportunity for it at the same time.
It seems to me that the possibilities of merging information technology and biotechnology – as I have recently read, heard and seen – may lead in the near future to the creation of a superhuman with superhuman capabilities, with the expulsion of billions of people from the labor market, and a disturbing undermining of freedom and equality.
Rather, this development, using artificial intelligence and big data algorithms, can create digital dictatorships that humans have not known before, with the concentration of power in the hands of small elites that transcend the traditional borders of countries in their historical form, while most of the world’s citizens will suffer from exploitation or be thrown in the trash.
During the growth of this transformation, and until it is achieved, politicians are still circling in the grounds of the conflicts of the twentieth century and trying to draw geopolitical conditions commensurate with their attachment to power as they used to.
This is how I see the current crisis between Russia, Ukraine, Europe and the United States over the sustainability of the system that was formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union during the 1990s, and in which Russia had no regard. Since President Vladimir Putin came to power, Russia has been challenging this regime in various ways with the aim of recognizing Moscow’s right to privileged interests in the post-Soviet space.
Russia has finally taken another step by threatening a more comprehensive invasion of Ukraine than it has ever done before, one that would undermine the current European order and potentially reassert the supremacy of Russia that it insists is “legitimate” to assert its place on the European continent and in global affairs in the traditional way.
I believe Putin is taking advantage of this time, given the weakness of the United States and its deteriorating ability to pursue a coherent foreign policy. His decades in office have made him more certain about the United States’ unsustainability in international power, as Putin now deals with the fifth president of the United States, and he has come to see Washington as an unreliable interlocutor.
A key element of Putin’s doctrine is to make the West treat Russia as if it were the old Soviet Union, a power to be respected and reckoned with, with special rights in its neighbourhood, a voice on every serious international issue, reversal of the consequences of the Soviet collapse, and renegotiation of the geographical settlement that ended the war. cold.
In my view, Putin asserts that the West must recognize that Russia belongs on the world board, after what Putin portrayed as the humiliation of the 1990s, when a largely weak Russia was forced to join an agenda set by the United States and its European allies.
.. But will the world board of directors, in light of what I mentioned at the beginning of the article, depend on the same pillars of the twentieth century?!
At the very least, there is a space of time to fill before the paradigm shift to the digital dictatorship that will soon rule the world.
Moscow’s ability to threaten its neighbors militarily enables it, in light of the changes of the moment, to force the West to sit at the negotiating table, as was very clear in the past few weeks.
Putin calls the Soviet collapse “a great geopolitical catastrophe of the twentieth century”, laments the fact that 25 million Russians found themselves outside Russia, and particularly criticizes the fact that 12 million Russians find themselves in the new Ukrainian state. As he wrote in a five-thousand-word article published last summer entitled “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians,” in which he asserts that Russians overnight found themselves deprived of their historical homeland, and Putin wrote that Ukraine was being transformed by the West into “a starting point against Russia”.
Putin’s article, which was distributed to the Russian army, is considered a psychological mobilization for the anticipated invasion.
Moscow believes that the mental perception that the West has put into the international collective mind, including the Russian people themselves, is Russia’s weakness, and that this resonates with the country’s population, which must be modified, and that Russia has a right in the field of distinct interests in the post-Soviet space.
On the other hand, the administration of US President Joe Biden is striving to repair the European alliance foolishly weakened by President Trump’s policy.. But there is enough skepticism within Europe about the continuity of the US commitment after 2024, as Russia has found some success in reinforcing doubts and emphasizing that Countries that depend on the support of the United States are, in fact, delusional, as the United States simply abandons its allies, and in colloquial Arabic: (covered with the United States is naked).
The ultimate goal is to do away with the rules-based, post-Cold War liberal international order promoted by Europe, Japan, and the United States in favor of one more favorable to Russia.
For Moscow, this new order may resemble a transformation into a new embodiment of a tri-polar order, in which the world is divided into three-polar spheres of influence (Russia, the United States, and China), and the growing rapprochement between Moscow and Beijing may already be reinforcing the call for a new order in which they wield greater influence in A multipolar world.
I believe that the biggest loser historically with the fall of the Soviet Union and the dissolution and secession of its states and the disappearance of the bipolar world was the third developing world. If the United States has exclusive military power,

About Dr. Hossam Badrawi

Dr. Hossam Badrawi
He is a politician, intellect, and prominent physician. He is the former head of the Gynecology Department, Faculty of Medicine Cairo University. He conducted his post graduate studies from 1979 till 1981 in the United States. He was elected as a member of the Egyptian Parliament and chairman of the Education and Scientific Research Committee in the Parliament from 2000 till 2005. As a politician, Dr. Hossam Badrawi was known for his independent stances. His integrity won the consensus of all people from various political trends. During the era of former president Hosni Mubarak he was called The Rationalist in the National Democratic Party NDP because his political calls and demands were consistent to a great extent with calls for political and democratic reform in Egypt. He was against extending the state of emergency and objected to the National Democratic Party's unilateral constitutional amendments during the January 25, 2011 revolution. He played a very important political role when he defended, from the very first beginning of the revolution, the demonstrators' right to call for their demands. He called on the government to listen and respond to their demands. Consequently and due to Dr. Badrawi's popularity, Mubarak appointed him as the NDP Secretary General thus replacing the members of the Bureau of the Commission. During that time, Dr. Badrawi expressed his political opinion to Mubarak that he had to step down. He had to resign from the party after 5 days of his appointment on February 10 when he declared his political disagreement with the political leadership in dealing with the demonstrators who called for handing the power to the Muslim Brotherhood. Therefore, from the very first moment his stance was clear by rejecting a religion-based state which he considered as aiming to limit the Egyptians down to one trend. He considered deposed president Mohamed Morsi's decision to bring back the People's Assembly as a reinforcement of the US-supported dictatorship. He was among the first to denounce the incursion of Morsi's authority over the judicial authority, condemning the Brotherhood militias' blockade of the Supreme Constitutional Court. Dr. Hossam supported the Tamarod movement in its beginning and he declared that toppling the Brotherhood was a must and a pressing risk that had to be taken few months prior to the June 30 revolution and confirmed that the army would support the legitimacy given by the people